General Weyler’s harsh strategy achieved a measure of military success between the spring of 1896 and the fall of 1897. Theodore Roosevelt recalled that the Cuban rebels were “almost all blacks and mulattos and were clothed in rags. Portraying the conflict in this manner served to delegitimize Filipino aspirations for independence and portray the Filipinos as childish, rebellious, and ungrateful. Essentially, the cruelty and war crimes committed by U.S. troops in the Philippines were deemed isolated cases, not the result of a policy approved by senior officials to suppress a revolutionary movement. Even those whites so generous in their praise of the role played by black troops in Cuba almost without exception credited their performance to the discipline and leadership provided by their white officers. To hell with Spain!". In both Mojares’ study and Ileto’s essay, “The Philippine-American War: Friendship and Forgetting” (2002), Filipino experiences and perspectives are placed at the center.  Ileto Reynaldo, “The Philippine-American War: Friendship and Forgetting,” in Vestiges of War: 3-21. By February 1899, the executive committee estimated its national membership to be “considerably over 25,000.”. Imperialists held to the assumed rights of conquest while anti-imperialists held to the idea that the Philippines as well as Cuba should have their independence. Decades later, a young filmmaker named Orson Welles would immortalize the Hearst archetype with Citizen Kane, a portrayal which William Hearst, in later life, would find quite displeasing, though he reportedly never saw the film himself. On October 28, however, President McKinley instructed U.S. negotiators in Paris to insist “upon the cession of the whole of the Philippines,” thus denying Filipinos the right to independent government. , The following day, Woodford advanced an offer through a third party to buy Cuba, arguing that the island would soon be lost to the revolutionaries if Spain did not sell it to the U.S. now.  Robert Beisner, Twelve against Empire: The Anti-Imperialists, 1898-1900 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968), 23. Otis, however, had no interest in ameliorating tensions as he was waiting for more American troops to arrive to strengthen his position. Accommodation served an important purpose by defusing anger toward the occupation. In the words of Senator John M. Thurston of Nebraska: "War with Spain would increase the business and earnings of every American railroad, it would increase the output of every American factory, it would stimulate every branch of industry and domestic commerce.". Most Democrats rejected these contentions, as there was no possibility of renewed warfare with Spain, and many thought it better to amend the treaty than to give the imperialists a free hand under it. Hobson modified a broken down collier and gathered a small crew of eight volunteers, and rigged the vessel with explosives. Hence, they opted for a two-track strategy, on the one hand, waging a war against Aguinaldo and his nationalist fighters; on the other hand, winning over the non-committed and various constituencies through accommodation.  Robert J. McMahon, “Toward a Pluralist Vision: The Study of American Foreign Relations as International History and National History,” in Michael J. Hoban and Thomas G. Paterson, Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 40. The symbolism was clear: only the American flag would be flown over the Philippines.  Those justifying harsh U.S. tactics, including the killing of civilians, typically placed the blame on the insurgents for violating prevailing concepts of “civilized” warfare. To keep the brutal nature of the war hidden from the American public, the McKinley and Roosevelt administrations engaged in censorship, official denial, media spin, glittering generalities, and intimidation of war critics.  Louis A. Pérez. Senator Knute Nelson of Minnesota told one audience, “Providence has given the United States the duty of extending Christian civilization. “He concluded that the islands were a strategic Achilles heel: they invited attack from other powers in Asia and could not be defended.”, The anti-imperialists at the turn of the 20, The paradigm shift in attitudes regarding imperialism has been less pronounced in the United States, as U.S. leaders have continued to deny allegations of imperialism. Expert opinion is still divided; most now consider an accidental explosion of coal fuel to be as likely a reason as any for the ship's fate. Washington officials sought to separate the rank and file rebels from their leadership, and to exploit the class, linguistic, and religious fault lines of the insurgency. Their differences became clear after the Spanish departed: the imperialists sought greater control over Cuba, while the anti-imperialists supported a free and independent government in Cuba. In January 1898, Gómez predicted, “This war cannot last more than a year.  Reynaldo C. Ileto, “The Philippine-American War: Friendship and Forgetting,” in Vestiges of War, 3.  Defying McKinley, he announced the formation of the first Philippine Republic on January 23.  Robert D. Ramsey III, A Masterpiece of Counterguerrilla Warfare: BG J. Franklin Bell in the Philippines, 1901-1902 (Fort Leavenworth, KS: Combat Studies Institute Press, 1997), 7-11; and Linn, The U.S. Army and Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War, 155. When President George W. Bush visited the Philippines on October 18, 2003, he depicted the 48-year American occupation as an exercise in benevolent democratization. In Washington, Senator George Hoar requested a Senate committee hearing to investigate the conduct of the war, the administration of the islands, and the condition and character of the inhabitants. By mid-January 1899 Aguinaldo was prepared to accept an agreement similar to the one signed with Cuba. The takeover created a storm of controversy in Washington. Can the war be justified on humanitarian grounds, a more controversial standard, as put forth by President McKinley? That evening, two American privates shot four Filipino soldiers, “now believed to have been drunk and unarmed.” In the morning U.S. troops and artillery units launched a full-scale attack on Filipino positions, resulting in the death of approximately 3,000 Filipinos soldiers, as compared to sixty Americans. Bell nevertheless regarded the campaign as a military success, as his Filipino antagonist, Miguel Malvar, surrendered in April 1902 after enduring many desertions. While the Lodge Committee held its deliberations, the Army put on trial several officers, including General Jacob Smith, General J. Franklin Bell, Major Littleton Waller, and Captain Edwin Glenn.  Hoganson, Fighting for American Manhood, 163. Battles were subsequently fought in the San Juan Heights on June 24 and July 1. If today we could purchase [Cuba] at a reasonable price we should avoid the horrors and the expense of war. Martí envisioned not only political independence from Spain, but also a social and economic transformation that would redistribute property and create economic opportunity for the masses (it was thus more akin to future 20, Martí, having lived in New York for many years, was well aware of America’s expansionist history and wanted no U.S. troops on Cuban soil, fearing that the U.S. would take advantage. Shafter rather hoped that the Cuban soldiers would serve as “porters, orderlies, messengers, and day laborers, working behind U.S. lines,” according to Pérez. Business journals warned that a war with Spain would damage the nation’s economy and drain the government’s financial reserves. Martí and his fellow revolutionaries hoped for a quick victory, but the war turned into a long, protracted guerrilla struggle. It must be seen with one’s own eyes to be realized…To me the strongest appeal is not the barbarity practiced by Weyler, nor the loss of the Maine…but the spectacle of a million and a half people, the entire native population of Cuba, struggling for freedom and deliverance from the worst misgovernment of which I ever had knowledge.. While the anti-imperialists did not defeat the Treaty of Paris or end the U.S.-Filipino War, they provided a valuable service to the nation. Article VIII of the amendment stipulated that its tenets be incorporated into the new Cuban constitution. On May 1, 1898, U.S. Army Lieutenant Andrew Rowan met with General García in the town of Bayamo to seek his guidance and cooperation with regard to the impending American invasion. On October 21, he imposed the policy on the western province of Pinar del Rio; and in January 1897, on the provinces of Havana, Mantanzas, and Santa Clara. Out in the field, the goal was not to win “hearts and minds” but to terrorize the population into submission, creating a climate of fear that would undermine popular support for Aguinaldo. While the Lodge Committee held its deliberations, the Army put on trial several officers, including General Jacob Smith, General J. Franklin Bell, Major Littleton Waller, and Captain Edwin Glenn. Experts at ambush and harassing actions, the Cubans had no experience with large-scale siege operations or battles…. The Platt Amendment helped to secure new and old private American investments in Cuba. The Boston Herald warned, “To enlist the flower of our youth to go to Cuba would be to send it to destruction.” Some editors predicted a long war, overestimating the competency of Spanish forces and underestimating the capability of the rebels to aid U.S. forces. By July 4, 1902, the U.S. had lost 4,234 dead and suffered 2,818 wounded.” About one-fourth of American soldiers who died in the war were killed in battle, while three-fourths died from disease and other causes. Over the next seven years, the United States annexed the Hawaiian Islands, took possession of the Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, and Eastern Samoa, joined other imperial powers in suppressing the Boxer Rebellion in China, made Cuba a “protectorate” of the United States, fomented a revolt in the Colombian province of Panama in order to obtain a ten-mile-wide canal zone, and declared that the U.S. would henceforth exercise “international police power” over the Western Hemisphere, militarily intervening in nations deemed guilty of “chronic wrongdoing.”. Our soldiers have pumped salt water into men to “make them talk,” have taken prisoner people who held up their hands and peacefully surrendered, and an hour later, without an atom of evidence to show that they were even insurrectos, stood them on a bridge and shot them down one by one, to drop into the water below and float down as an example to whose found their bullet riddled corpses. I am thus, reluctantly, slowly, but entirely a convert to the early American ownership and occupation of the Island.  Louis Pérez, Cuba Between Reform & Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 108. During the summer and fall months, organizers formed chapters in New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, Washington, and other cities. They appealed to the “Colored American Soldier” and reminded him of the lynching and discrimination he faced at home. On February 15th, 1898, over 250 American sailors were killed when the battleship Maine blew up and sank in Havana harbor.  Pérez, Cuba Between Reform & Revolution, 182. The most notorious examples of these tactics were applied in force on the islands of Samar and Luzon. Two newspaper titans, William Randolph Hearst of the, President Grover Cleveland resisted pressure to intervene in Cuba, particularly on behalf of, U.S. minister to Spain Stewart L. Woodford met with Spanish officials on September 18, 1897, and gave Madrid until November 1 to re-establish peace on the island, implying that the U.S. would take over if Spain failed. 1898).  Miller, “Benevolent Assimilation”, 58-59. The revolutionary poet, José Martí, who had spent several decades in exile, demanded complete independence. On July 25, 1895, Martínez-Campos wrote a letter to the leader of the Spanish Conservative Party, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, humbly declaring, “I cannot, as the representative of a civilized nation, be the first to give the example of cruelty and intransigence…. His study, Contrary views were again on display in two books published in 1926. Cleveland ordered an investigation headed by James H. Blount.  Piero Gleijeses, “1898: The Opposition to the Spanish-American War,” Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol. In Platt’s view, these impositions would assure “a stable republican government” that would maintain domestic order and enhance U.S. security in the region. In response, General Chaffee assigned General Jacob “Hell-Roaring Jake” Smith the task of pacifying the whole island of Samar.  Pérez, The War of 1898, 125-126. All I have done so far, and all I will do, is for this purpose.” Martí is celebrated in Cuba today as the founding father of the country. With the acquisition of the Philippines, the U.S. joined other imperial powers in carving up Asia into colonies and spheres of influence (click to enlarge). If the civilians failed to help the insurgents, the guerrillas might retaliate. As the historian Richard Welch notes, American hatred for Filipinos clearly accelerated when the war moved into this stage. On December 26, 1901, he wrote to his superior, General Lloyd Wheaton, stating that he intended “to destroy everything I find outside of towns” and that “all able-bodied men will be killed or captured. , The Cuban presence is absent in this iconic photograph of Roosevelt and the Rough Riders atop Kettle Hill two days after the battle. Cuba was granted independence, but the United States imposed various restrictions on the new government, including prohibiting alliances with other countries. As the U.S. struggled to pacify the archipelago, General Orders 100 would be used to justify the use of harsh tactics to terminate the insurrection. General Otis, however, rebuffed all recommendations. “If they continue to exhibit ingratitude and entire lack of appreciation of the expenditure of blood and treasure of the United States to secure their freedom from Spain, the public sentiment of this country will be more unfavorable to them,” he said. He avoided commentary on the ultimate political disposition of Cuba, voicing neither support for Cuban independence nor acknowledging any intention to exert U.S. control over the island, except to establish “a stable government, capable of maintaining order.”, This argument has since been taken up by a number of historians, including Louis Pérez and Philip Foner. Many of the 7,000 who served in the Philippines recognized the quandary their service posed: they were propagating a system abroad that was similar to one at home that made them second class citizens. The U.S.-Filipino War resulted in the death of an estimated 200,000 Filipinos, mostly civilians, and 4,200 American soldiers. Indeed, Roosevelt viewed war as a crucible that forged one’s manhood and strengthened the nation. “Americans remembered 1898 as something done for Cubans,” writes Louis A. Pérez, whereas “Cubans remembered 1898 as something done to them.” In Cuban accounts, “The Americans had arrived as allies but remained to rule. Essays such as “The American Empire; the Burden” appeared in the, Conservative historians such as Niall Ferguson and Max Boot approached the issue from the opposite direction, arguing that the United States needed to embrace and expand its role as imperial power. Among expansionists, Theodore Roosevelt was most eager for war with Spain – and the spoils of war. As relations between the two sides soured, Filipino leaders brought their grievances to Otis in a series of five meetings in January 1899. 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